Thursday, June 18, 2015

Amitav Ghosh on the Opium Wars

From this review/interview:

Amitav Ghosh, the acclaimed 58-year-old Indian novelist, is describing his extraordinary Ibis trilogy which has just concluded with the publication of the equally stupendous Flood of Fire. A decade in the writing, this exciting, passionate and scathing account of the First Opium War deserves to stand as one of the outstanding achievements of 21st-century literature.

...
In Ghosh’s telling, English merchants’ expansionist policy of selling opium, grown in India by near-slave labour, and sold in China where there was a vast illegal market, did not simply mark the foundations of the British Empire. It signalled a new form of global trade and politics, laying the foundations of outsourcing, migrant populations and truly international foreign relations – all driven by advances in military technology and realpolitik.
...
“It’s strange that the world pays such little attention to the Opium Wars, but opium was perhaps the largest single trade of the 19th century. All the profits went to England. All the work was done by Indians. All the silver came from China which was consuming it. It was one of the most iniquitous things that has ever happened in the history of mankind.”


....
“It was important for us to travel and see the world, and it has been very important for me. As Indians, we can never forget what happened to us in the 18th and 19th-century. It came about for us, as it did for China, because of our ignorance of the world. That must never be allowed to repeat itself.”
....
For instance, as a way to understand what he called the current Anglo-American conception of economic development. “Britain saw these apparently empty continents and squeezed them of their resources, then presented this to the world as a desirable model of growth. Countries now can’t seize continents because there are no continents left – there are no resources left. That is the fundamental problem.”
....
Ghosh’s entryway into Flood of Fire was Adam Smith’s conception of freemarket economics, which Britain realised by selling opium at vast profit to China in the late 18th century. The iniquity of the trade was highlighted in a famous diplomatic letter sent to Queen Victoria. High Commissioner Lin complained that in England the drug was prohibited with the utmost strictness and severity. While this is a slight exaggeration – opium use wouldn’t begin to be legally restricted until later in the 19th century – it is the sort of ironic imbalance that Ghosh exploits. “I realised this was the inaugural moment in the wars of what you might call Free Trade Imperialism. These merchants were the first generation of people for whom Adam Smith’s ideas were like a religion. They really thought they were laws of nature.”
 ....
“The profit motive has always existed, nowhere more so than in China and India, but Adam Smith created the idea that the economy is separate from human society and driven by its own internal forces. For the merchants, the market was not subject to any ethical constraints. Nobody in America [today] would suggest that Colombia has a right to push drugs in their country. But this was exactly what the Free Trade Fundamentalists were saying back then.” In this, opium was uniquely suited to Smith’s purposes. “The whole point about capitalism is to try to persuade people to buy things that they don’t need,” Ghosh argues. “It necessarily began with addictive substances. Tobacco, rum, tea, opium.”

Nevertheless, the drug posed moral questions for all but the most sociopathic free marketeers. Ghosh cites Warren Delano, grandfather of future American President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and, for seven years from 1823, an opium trader in Canton. In a letter, Delano accepted that he could not defend the China trade on moral grounds, but could do so in economic terms “as a merchant I insist it has been ... fair, honourable and legitimate”.

Ghosh views the market’s triumph over morality with unmistakable antipathy. “As we know, behind every great fortune lies a crime. That’s the remarkable thing about traders. When they eventually settle down they completely reinvent themselves as philanthropists or religious people. This is as true of the Indians as it is of the Americans and the Englishmen. Half the public institutions of Bombay were founded by people who made enormous sums of money in the China trade. If you look at the east coast of America, many of the universities and museums were really funded by opium.”

Comments (4)

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I cannot overcome my revulsion of sepoys like Amitava Ghosh who are always on call for NYT and other Western establishments as the voices of 'reason' vis-a-vis those rightwing Hindoos. This was soon after 11/26 -
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/03/opinion/03ghosh...
1 reply · active 510 weeks ago
Well, in retrospect, this Bollywood song is as good a commentary as any on the US response to 9/11: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=x3ATqmHseME

But the Congress government's response was not right either. PM NaMo so far has done well, he has taken the older foreign policy "Look East" and made it "Act East"; he has overcome internal party politics and done what is good for the country with respect to Bangladesh; he has refused to let Pakistan act as a blocker on regional economic integration. E.g., Congressi Mani Shankar Aiyar still writes that India's most important foreign policy objective has to be normalization of relations with Pakistan, but NaMo is investing more effort into improving ties - military, trade, technology, etc., -- with the friendly nations to the East - ASEAN, especially Myanmar, Vietnam and Singapore, South Korea, Japan, Taiwan; and even China. Also with every other SAARC country other than Pakistan. His stand is that it is upto Pakistan to decide to play; he is not going to try to cajole it.

I fear though, that India will soon be put to the test again. As one simple indicator, the IMF is again demanding Pakistan do some hard structural reforms; Pakistan's way out of doing these has always been to manufacture some crisis or the other.
The issue with screeds like Amitava Ghosh's is that they say things are are obvious and unremarkable, which in liberal cocktail circles is a precondition for being thought of as insightful and wise. What does delusions like this tell us? "Sometimes a crisis is also an opportunity: this is a moment when India can forge strategic alliances with those sections of the Pakistani government, military and society who understand that they, too, are under fire."

And the Amartya Sen gambit (*) -

"The choice of targets in Mumbai clearly owes something to the September bombing of the Islamabad Marriott, another high-profile site sure to include foreign casualties. Here already there is common ground between the two countries — for if this has been a bad year for India in regard to terrorism, then for Pakistan it has been still worse."

The AS gambit is to take one or two data points for the side he wants to prop up and generalize it to the whole while ignoring the whopping counter evidence on the other side.
1 reply · active 510 weeks ago
No disagreement on the liberal cocktail circuit or Amartya Sen gambits.

The general problem is that people imagine that Pakistan is a "security state" - i.e., it has security concerns that if addressed, will make it peaceful. Anyone who contradicted that was a communalist, an Islamophobe, a hate-mongerer against Pakistan and so on. And there was the nostalgia that colored people's thinking, like Manmohan Singh and even L.K. Advani. Now as C. Christine Fair's well-researched mining of Pakistani military journals has established to the horror of the Aman-ki-Asha types that Pakistan is a "greedy state" driven by ideological compulsions. There is no real constituency in Pakistan of any significance that India can "forge strategic alliances" with. And the leaders of India are now mostly post-Independence with no pre-Partition memories haunting them.

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