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From this review/interview:
Amitav Ghosh, the acclaimed 58-year-old Indian novelist, is describing
his extraordinary Ibis trilogy which has just concluded with the
publication of the equally stupendous Flood of Fire.
A decade in the writing, this exciting, passionate and scathing account
of the First Opium War deserves to stand as one of the outstanding
achievements of 21st-century literature.
...
In Ghosh’s telling, English merchants’ expansionist policy of selling
opium, grown in India by near-slave labour, and sold in China where
there was a vast illegal market, did not simply mark the foundations of
the British Empire. It signalled a new form of global trade and
politics, laying the foundations of outsourcing, migrant populations and
truly international foreign relations – all driven by advances in
military technology and realpolitik.
...
“It’s strange that the world pays such little attention to the Opium
Wars, but opium was perhaps the largest single trade of the 19th
century. All the profits went to England. All the work was done by
Indians. All the silver came from China which was consuming it. It was
one of the most iniquitous things that has ever happened in the history
of mankind.”
....
“It was important for us to travel and see the world, and it has been
very important for me. As Indians, we can never forget what happened to
us in the 18th and 19th-century. It came about for us, as it did for
China, because of our ignorance of the world. That must never be allowed
to repeat itself.”
....
For instance, as a way to understand what he called the current
Anglo-American conception of economic development. “Britain saw these
apparently empty continents and squeezed them of their resources, then
presented this to the world as a desirable model of growth. Countries
now can’t seize continents because there are no continents left – there
are no resources left. That is the fundamental problem.”
....
Ghosh’s entryway into Flood of Fire was
Adam Smith’s conception of freemarket economics, which Britain realised
by selling opium at vast profit to China in the late 18th century. The
iniquity of the trade was highlighted in a famous diplomatic letter sent
to Queen Victoria. High Commissioner Lin complained that in England the
drug was prohibited with the utmost strictness and severity. While this
is a slight exaggeration – opium use wouldn’t begin to be legally
restricted until later in the 19th century – it is the sort of ironic
imbalance that Ghosh exploits. “I realised this was the inaugural moment
in the wars of what you might call Free Trade Imperialism. These
merchants were the first generation of people for whom Adam Smith’s
ideas were like a religion. They really thought they were laws of
nature.”
....
“The profit motive has always existed,
nowhere more so than in China and India, but Adam Smith created the idea
that the economy is separate from human society and driven by its own
internal forces. For the merchants, the market was not subject to any
ethical constraints. Nobody in America [today] would suggest that
Colombia has a right to push drugs in their country. But this was
exactly what the Free Trade Fundamentalists were saying back then.” In
this, opium was uniquely suited to Smith’s purposes. “The whole point
about capitalism is to try to persuade people to buy things that they
don’t need,” Ghosh argues. “It necessarily began with addictive
substances. Tobacco, rum, tea, opium.”
Nevertheless, the drug posed moral questions for all but the most
sociopathic free marketeers. Ghosh cites Warren Delano, grandfather of
future American President Franklin Delano Roosevelt and, for seven years
from 1823, an opium trader in Canton. In a letter, Delano accepted that
he could not defend the China trade on moral grounds, but could do so
in economic terms “as a merchant I insist it has been ... fair,
honourable and legitimate”.
Ghosh views the market’s triumph over morality with unmistakable
antipathy. “As we know, behind every great fortune lies a crime. That’s
the remarkable thing about traders. When they eventually settle down
they completely reinvent themselves as philanthropists or religious
people. This is as true of the Indians as it is of the Americans and the
Englishmen. Half the public institutions of Bombay were founded by
people who made enormous sums of money in the China trade. If you look
at the east coast of America, many of the universities and museums were
really funded by opium.”

Rajan Parrikar · 511 weeks ago
http://www.nytimes.com/2008/12/03/opinion/03ghosh...
macgupta 81p · 510 weeks ago
But the Congress government's response was not right either. PM NaMo so far has done well, he has taken the older foreign policy "Look East" and made it "Act East"; he has overcome internal party politics and done what is good for the country with respect to Bangladesh; he has refused to let Pakistan act as a blocker on regional economic integration. E.g., Congressi Mani Shankar Aiyar still writes that India's most important foreign policy objective has to be normalization of relations with Pakistan, but NaMo is investing more effort into improving ties - military, trade, technology, etc., -- with the friendly nations to the East - ASEAN, especially Myanmar, Vietnam and Singapore, South Korea, Japan, Taiwan; and even China. Also with every other SAARC country other than Pakistan. His stand is that it is upto Pakistan to decide to play; he is not going to try to cajole it.
I fear though, that India will soon be put to the test again. As one simple indicator, the IMF is again demanding Pakistan do some hard structural reforms; Pakistan's way out of doing these has always been to manufacture some crisis or the other.
Rajan Parrikar · 510 weeks ago
And the Amartya Sen gambit (*) -
"The choice of targets in Mumbai clearly owes something to the September bombing of the Islamabad Marriott, another high-profile site sure to include foreign casualties. Here already there is common ground between the two countries — for if this has been a bad year for India in regard to terrorism, then for Pakistan it has been still worse."
The AS gambit is to take one or two data points for the side he wants to prop up and generalize it to the whole while ignoring the whopping counter evidence on the other side.
macgupta 81p · 510 weeks ago
The general problem is that people imagine that Pakistan is a "security state" - i.e., it has security concerns that if addressed, will make it peaceful. Anyone who contradicted that was a communalist, an Islamophobe, a hate-mongerer against Pakistan and so on. And there was the nostalgia that colored people's thinking, like Manmohan Singh and even L.K. Advani. Now as C. Christine Fair's well-researched mining of Pakistani military journals has established to the horror of the Aman-ki-Asha types that Pakistan is a "greedy state" driven by ideological compulsions. There is no real constituency in Pakistan of any significance that India can "forge strategic alliances" with. And the leaders of India are now mostly post-Independence with no pre-Partition memories haunting them.